Uncategorized

Tribal Online Lending Smackdown

By Anthony Broadman

The Second Circuit’s recent body-slam of tribal online lenders in Otoe-Missouria Tribe of Indians v. New York State Department of Financial Services unnecessarily confused an already bad situation.  Faced with state regulation, Midwestern tribal payday lenders sued to halt New York’s interference with their operations.  Setting aside the wisdom of bringing the suit in the first place, the case provided the opportunity for the Second Circuit to incorrectly employ an inapplicable legal test.  If this decision on a preliminary injunction were ever imported into a substantive ruling, tribes operating in the Second Circuit would face an incredibly difficult standard when protecting on-Reservation economic development from state attack. 12

Critically, Otoe dealt with attempted state regulation of Indian Tribes.  The Tribes were attempting to halt that regulation through a preliminary injunction.  There were real, legal questions about the “where” of regulation: whether lending occurred in New York or on Midwestern Indian reservations.  But the “who” wasn’t in question.  The Second Circuit partially accepted the plaintiff-tribes’ invitation to err, and entertained the possibility that the test announced in White Mountain Apache Tribe v. Bracker, 448 U.S. 136 (1980), could apply.

As problematic as the Bracker balancing test has become, we know a few things for sure.  First, it doesn’t apply when the “who” is an Indian tribe, tribal member, or tribal business.  Ever.  There are plenty of examples when courts have gotten this wrong, but Wagnon v. Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation, 546 U.S. 95, 99 (2005) provided as much clarity as one can have.  Second, if Bracker applies only to non-Indians, then it must only apply in Indian Country.  We don’t need any authority for the proposition that non-Indians are subject to non-Indian regulation outside Indian Country.  Finally, Bracker doesn’t apply to anyone outside of Indian Country.  Absent a treaty or other federal law, tribes, their members, and their tribal business are subject to state regulation outside of Indian Country.  See Mescalero Apache Tribe v. Jones, 411 U.S. 145, 148–49 (1973).

Not surprisingly, the state relied on each of these hornbook tenets of Indian law.  But the Second Circuit appears to have partially indulged the tribes’ argument that “this case falls squarely under the analytical framework required under Bracker and Cabazon,” (Plaintiff-Tribes’ Brief at 19)—even though it does not.   The tribes clearly conceded that the state was attempting to regulate “the Tribes’ on-reservation businesses[.]”  Id. at 16.  The fact that these businesses happened to work with non-Indians is irrelevant unless the state is targeting those non-Indians.  The stronger argument (if one exists) here would have been that states were either illegally regulating on-Reservation non-Indian conduct (Bracker) or illegally regulating on-Reservation Indian conduct (Chickasaw).

There may be silver linings to this smackdown.  First, the Second Circuit thankfully refused to firmly determine the “where” of online tribal lending because of a dearth of competent proof.  The lower court had determined the loans occurred in New York.  A bad decision here could have had far-reaching implications, particularly in the mobile and Internet tribal gaming context.  Second, the arguments below regarding the “who” of New York’s regulation were so convoluted, that even a bad decision on substance could have been distinguished. Even the tribes were not clear whether New York was regulating lenders, borrowers, or business partners.

In the often-formalistic sphere of tribal regulatory disputes, tribes should expect federal courts to require cogent proof and clear arguments surrounding the “who” and “where” of state regulation.  Here, the lack of either may have stayed the execution of tribal payday lending to borrowers in Connecticut, New York, and Vermont – for now.

Anthony Broadman is a partner at Galanda Broadman PLLC.  He can be reached at 206.321.2672, anthony@galandabroadman.com, or via galandabroadman.com.

Gabe Galanda to Stump Against Disenrollment at Lewis & Clark

On Monday, October 27, Gabe Galanda will deliver a lecture, "The American Indian Disenrollment Epidemic: Finding A Cure," at Lewis & Clark Law School in Portland, Oregon.  images Gabe has previously spoken out against tribal disenrollment during talks at UC Berkeley and the University of Arizona College of Law, and also published several articles and blogs exposing and decrying that mode of self-termination.  For example:

Since 2013, Galanda Broadman has defended nearly 500 American Indians from disenrollment, in Washington, Oregon and California.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Rejoice! It's Indigenous Peoples Day

“Indigenous peoples have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective or as individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms as recognized in . . . international human rights law.”

Article 1, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

10623299_10152681033023991_2978065563603835497_oImage designed by firm client Louie Gong (Nooksack), artist, educator, activist, Eighth Generation entrepreneur, and founder of the Inspired Natives Project, an indigenous intellectual/cultural property protection initiative.

 

Exposing Abramoff's Playbook: Plays #5-6

Plays #1-4 have been exposed (here, here and here).  Here are #5 and #6, with new plays already in design by the bad guys. Play #5—Make Political Rounds.  The bad guys rush to visit officials at all levels of government, starting at nearby towns and counties, and extending to state and national capitols.  Aided by the first four scripted plays, the bad guys spin their talking points into the minds of anybody who innocently gives them a meeting, and further cause folks to either pick their side or “stay neutral.”  They especially lobby BIA superintendents and career staff to delay the agency’s recognition of the last undisputed Tribal officials, knowing that all other government officials will await that determination before they might be inclined to do anything.

washington-d-c-skyline1

Play #6—Exploit National Tribal Silence.   The bad guys know that Tribal leadership and disenrollment disputes are taboo in forums like the National Congress of American Indians and National Indian Gaming Association.  They leverage this silence to further advance their cause.

Even worse, the bad guy-lawyers write large checks on behalf of their firms or other affiliates, even other inter-tribal trade associations, to sponsor large inter-tribal meetings.  National Indian groups unknowingly accept that dirty money and promote those sponsorships, which allows the bad guys to infiltrate the groups’ most inner circles, where they spread their message to ensure continued inaction.

With their most powerful potential critics—other Tribes’ leaders—hushed, it becomes even easier for the bad guys to persuade federal officials to either do nothing or tread slowly.

***

This is really happening, and these are only the first six scripted plays.  Today’s Abramoffs are already tweaking and perfecting new plays, without any shame or repercussion.  Nobody formidable is standing in their way.

Unless there is a dramatic change of mind and heart within Indian Country and its extended federal family, it is only a question of time before the bad guys hit another Indian community.  And absent a change in the status quo, the good guys may soon be left with no other choice but to preemptively call plays from the Abramoff Playbook in self-defense of what is right—and what is truly Tribal.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Redskins: Looking In The Mirror

Some colleagues have reacted negatively to my posts about Nike's N7 Fund (here and here), mostly saying that N7 has done a lot of good in Indian Country and thus shouldn't be criticized.  Indeed, N7 has done some great work for Native communities. I appreciate the constructive feedback and respectful difference of opinion.  To be clear, my criticisms are not intended to detract from that nobility, or to be made personal to anybody, or to encourage others to do so by any means.

415esBj8MqL._SY300_

But here's my point: We are not on the outside of the Redskins debate, looking in.  By way of Nike N7 and Indian gaming's multi-billion dollar relationship with Bank of America (which nobody has defended to me), we are on the inside, looking out; staring ourselves in the mirror.

We now have the political relationships and buying power to help change the name from within The Establishment; to challenge Nike and BofA's silence and stance on the sidelines from within The Establishment. Because we are now part of The Establishment.  Potentially game-changing Tribal alliances with N7 and BofA bear that out.

And with that Tribal power comes responsibility, particularly for those Indian ambassadors of The Establishment.  In each our own way, whether in private circles or public forums, from behind the scenes or center stage, we are obliged to help, and not hinder, the name change.  And especially from within, yes, we can change the name.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Indian Energy Grants Are Nice, But Tribal Sovereignty is Where the Money’s At

Under 25 U.S.C. § 415, every lease of a tribe’s lands must undergo federal review and approval by the Secretary of the Interior under a sprawling, burdensome set of regulations.  Approval is also subject to the National Environmental Policy Act (“NEPA”), 42 U.S.C. § 4321, et seq., along with the usual delays and court controversies that protract the process.  It is not unheard of for several years to pass before Indian land can be leased, if ever.  Thus, a tribe who wishes to govern its trust lands under free market principles cannot, in practice, do so. In 2005, Congress enacted 25 U.S.C. § 3504, which included provisions for implementation of a Tribal Energy Resource Agreement (“TERA”).  The TERA (1) allows tribes to enter into a master agreement (the TERA) with the Secretary of the Interior, which then (2) grants the tribe the ability to enter into leases and to grant rights of way across tribal lands without Secretarial approval.

Since the TERA’s inception in 2005, however, not a single tribe has entered into a TERA.  For many tribes, the cost simply outweighs the benefits – TERAs allow tribes the leeway to skip Secretarial approval, “but only on terms dictated by the federal government,” which includes the creation of a NEPA-like environmental review process that complies “with all applicable environmental laws.”  As it stands, tribes simply do not have the resources necessary to fulfill the host of NEPA requirements, which impose an extremely heavy burden on tribal governments to demonstrate that they have the requisite expertise, experience, laws, and administrative structures in place to assume the responsibility of a TERA.

Last week Assistant Secretary Washburn announced $9.4 Million in grants to develop tribal energy.   Not a single grant, though, was aimed at funding a TERA.  Although Assistant Secretary Washburn believes that the failure of the TERA is “not for lack of effort” by the Office of Indian Energy and Economic Development (“OIEED”), it sure doesn’t help that, apparently, OIEED has given up on the program entirely.

As laudable as the grants are, it appears that much of the money will be used in efforts to comply with the NEPA and a vast array of other federal laws triggered by 25 U.S.C. § 415.  While the gesture is greatly appreciated, and may be a boon to the recipients, in the grand scheme of things it is an inefficient use of grant monies.  Until tribes are able to implement energy projects on their own land, unfettered from the vast array of burdensome federal red tape, the development of tribal energy will never truly bourgeon.

 

Ryan Dreveskracht is an Associate at Galanda Broadman, PLLC.  His practice focuses on representing businesses and tribal governments in public affairs, energy, gaming, taxation, and general economic development.  He can be reached at 206.909.3842 or ryan @galandabroadman.com.

Exposing Abramoff's Playbook: Plays #3-4

"It's just a Tribal membership dispute."  (Plays #1 and 2 are exposed here and here.) Play #3—Cause a Tribal Membership Dispute. The bad guys know that if they style the Tribal leadership dispute as a membership dispute, nobody will touch it. They know that under banner of Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez, 436 U.S. 49 (1978), federal, state and local officials will simply say: “Sorry, the matter is internal to the Tribe. Tribes are sovereign and self-governing.”

Screenshot 2014-10-09 09.29.25 The bad guys know that they can claim to disenroll any Tribal Councilperson or member who is not aligned with them, without suffering any legal recourse. They know that the federal and state courts will almost surely not get involved. They also know that they can denounce an Indian court as illegitimate and flout any Ex parte Young efforts to prospectively enjoin their “ethnic cleansing” efforts.

Tribal disenrollment is already at an “epidemic” level according to Professor David Wilkins; applying the Abramoff Playbook only accelerates the self-genocide.

Play #4—Rush to the Media. The bad guys hurry to create headlines that further cause folks in positions of power to stay out of it. The news stories they generate—through paid-for press releases via PRNewswire—will speak of “tribal disenrollment” and “tribal factions.”

Screenshot 2014-10-09 09.26.21

They will allege some form of wrongdoing by their opponents, to the point of slander or libel. They understand that federal and state officials, cops and judges, as well as local community members and business leaders, will read the resulting headlines. In turn, those readers will fall back on preconceived ideas about what is happening within the Tribe, leading them to either pick the bad guys’ side or stay out of it completely.

Stay tuned for one more blog exposing Abramoff's Playbook.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Exposing Abramoff's Playbook: Play #2

Here's part two of my blog series.  Part one is here.  While reading this one, consider Senator John McCain's most recent criticism of the NIGC, saying he "doesn’t believe the NIGC is doing enough to regulate the industry.”  He appears to have a point. Play #2—Seize the Palace.  Concurrent with the eruption of the Tribal leadership dispute, the bad guys immediately exert control over the Tribe’s casino and other cash-generating enterprises—by violent force if necessary.

braves

The bad guys know that in a war of attrition, a war chest is required—and there is no deeper war chest than replenishing Indian casino coffers.  They seize the gaming money to pay themselves and to recruit an army of others. 

Recall the following emails from Abramoff to his colleagues:  "I want all their MONEY!!!" “We're charging these guys up the wazoo . . . Make sure you bill your hours like a demon.”  This is precisely the state of mind of the bad guy-lawyers, who are sure to extract an enormous retainer up front so that they get paid no matter what ultimately happens to the Tribe.

The bad guys then deny gaming per capita payments to their opponents to prevent them from accumulating any war chest of their own, while increasing those payments to other Tribal members to attract them as allies.  Per capita monies are especially leveraged to buy votes in Tribal Council elections, or recall or initiative drives.  All of this is done in disregard of any Tribal revenue allocation plan and the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act.  (See also "Tribal Per Capitas and Self-Termination.")

Because what the bad guys really know is that the National Indian Gaming Commission Chairman will largely sit on the sidelines until the inert BIA decision-making process finally runs its course, and that in the meantime the NIGC will not take any meaningful steps to shut down an illegal gaming operation or otherwise stem illegality.  Recall that in Bay Mills the states argued that the “Commission only rarely invokes its authority to enforce the law against Indian tribes.”  The states appear to be right.  As we also saw in Bay Mills, the entire U.S. Department of Justice—from local U.S. Attorneys and FBI Special Agents,  to everyone at Main Justice—sits idle too, despite its clear statutory criminal and civil authority to intervene.  Indian Country could use Phil Hogen and Tom Perrelli right about now.

All the while,  the bad guys run roughshod over the Tribe’s entire gaming operation.  This increasingly includes heavily armed “security” personnel surrounding the casino, paid with gaming monies and tasked to by any means necessary, prevent legitimate Tribal officials from resuming control over the casino.

Stay tuned for further blogs exposing several other schemes from Abramoff's Playbook.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Exposing Abramoff’s Playbook: Play #1

As the number of cash-fueled tribal civil wars in Indian Country only increases--here and here are two illustrative headlines in just this past week--I reprise my exposition of "Abramoff's Playbook" from earlier this summer through a series of blogs. ("Exposing Abramoff's Playbook" will also soon re-run in its entirety, via Indian Country Today Media Network.)

"We do a recall, election and take over.  Let's discuss." – Jack Abramoff, February 14, 2002

In professional sports “the playbook is a sacred hardbound diary of trust.  It's an accumulation of decades' worth of knowledge, tweaked and perfected, sectioned off by scribbles and colored tabs.”

Looming large in Indian Country right now, there’s another kind of playbook; a dark one.  The plays were originally designed by Jack Abramoff during his infamous stint at Ysleta Del Sur, Coushatta and Saginaw Chippewa.  For the last two decades, Casino Jack’s playbook has been enhanced with the knowledge of other lawyers, lobbyists and executives, especially those in the Indian gaming industry.   Even Native lawyers are now picking up and deploying the playbook. 

abramoff-headress-dollar-thumb-249x300

The plays are shrewdly designed to divide and conquer Tribal Councils and communities from within, while federal trustees stand on the sidelines.  The first few plays are as scripted as an NFL team’s opening drive.

Play #1—Create a Tribal Leadership Dispute.  Whether through “recall, election and takeover,” or some form of Tribal Chairman fiat or General Council coup d’état and resulting insurrection, the Abramoffs of the world—the bad guys—know that if Tribal governmental factions can be created, it will paralyze all interested parties, including all levels of federal government, tribal and state law enforcement, and financial institutions. In turn, those pivotal players will not immediately know who to treat as the “rightful Tribal Council” for purposes of government-to-government relations, law and order, or financial security.

The bad guys will begin their takeover by setting their sights on weak persons or institutions in the Tribe, and then exploiting those weaknesses to drive a deep wedge into the heart of the community.  They will tap, even bribe, a weak Chairman, or a group of dissident members, or notoriously unethical Tribal officers or employees.  P.L. 280 jurisdictions are particularly vulnerable to such organized crime given perennial inter-agency law enforcement indecision and inaction.

In the face of a takeover, the United States must “recognize the last undisputed officials” as tribal officials—meaning the officials in office immediately before the leadership dispute was manufactured—for government-to-government purposes, until the dispute can be settled pursuant to tribal law and procedure.  Alturas Indian Rancheria v. Acting Pacific Regional Director, 54 IBIA 1, 8 (2011).  But the bad guys know that the Bureau of Indian Affairs will be slow to make that declaration.

The bad guys also know that if the BIA does ever declare the Tribe’s last undisputed officials as rightful leadership, they can immediately appeal any decision that goes against them and stay its effect for up to three years, given the current backlog at the Interior Board of Indian Appeals.  25 C.F.R. 2.6(b).  While the appeal lumbers along, and the bad guys declare that the decision has no effect pending that appeal, they mount a concerted war of attrition against anybody who stands in their way.

Stay tuned for more blogs exposing several other schemes from Abramoff's Playbook.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.

Blood Money: Bank of America & the Redskins

Bank of America is the "exclusive sponsor" of the Washington Redskins.  Bank of America is also an exclusive lender--in fact, the leading lender--the $28 billion Indian gaming industry. redskins_logo

BofA has paid millions of dollars to Dan Snyder to serve as the "Official Bank of the Washington Redskins."  BofA has received many millions more from Indian Country in gaming deals. BofA is so very content to have it both ways, remaining on the sidelines of the Redskins mascot debate.

wDW9-813Xp4FiycQbD-FyT1oBJOYgw-6xdVahDuUGR0

Indian Country now balks at Nike and FedEx's Redskins sponsorships. But the hundreds of tribes that bank with BofA, and that collectively tout billions of dollars in purchasing power, speak little of BofA's own use of the Redskins mascot or unholy alliance with Dan Snyder.

Simply put, cash is king.  Indeed, while Indian Country scorns Snyder's Original Americans Foundation and rejects his blood money, tribes accept donations from Nike's N7 Fund and tribal casinos continue to do mega business with BofA.  It's all shades of grey, or green.

This status quo will prevail until the money fleets from BofA, Nike and FedEx, the NFL, and in turn Dan Snyder. Maybe Indian gaming money will be the first to go.  Maybe not.  But only when the money goes, will the name change.

Gabriel “Gabe” Galanda is the Managing Partner at Galanda Broadman. He is a citizen of the Round Valley Indian Tribes. Gabe can be reached at 206.300.7801 or gabe@galandabroadman.com.